﻿<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?><rss version="2.0"><channel><title>MESI Issue of the Week</title><link>http://Mesi.org.uk</link><description>The latest headlines - MESI Issue of the Week.</description><copyright>(c) 2008, Mesi.org.uk. All rights reserved.</copyright><ttl>5</ttl><item><title>Israel's Senior Military Advisor Discusses the Current Strategic Environment </title><author>Amos Gilad</author><description>Hamas could have pretended it wanted a political solution and the whole world would have recognized this. The Quartet posed to Hamas only three conditions: recognize your neighbor, recognize the peace agreements, and avoid terror. But Hamas said, no, Israel has no right to exist. They have a dream - to join the other Islamic forces, to revolutionize the whole Middle East. The Palestinian Authority is doing better at maintaining law and order in its territory in the West Bank. However, it has far from demonstrated any level of performance in dealing with terror. Today there is unprecedented military and intelligence cooperation between Hizbullah, Syria, and Iran. There is no "smuggling" of weapons from Iran through Syria to Lebanon, because it is not done in secret. Weapons of all kinds are being pushed toward Hizbullah, including tens of thousands of rockets. Hizbullah has turned Lebanon into a "banana republic." The president of Lebanon, who is a general and a former commander of the Lebanese army, does not know when his country will be involved in a confrontation with Israel. The one who decides this is Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah, who has no official standing in the Lebanese government. There are indirect peace talks between Syria and Israel and the price being asked by Syria is known. The price Israel is asking in any peace agreement is security, but the definition of security is now different from a decade ago because there are now longer-range rockets and terror. Syria is sheltering all kinds of terrorist organizations. In any peace agreement, Syria must drop this support for terror. Iran is the main strategic threat, the dark cloud on the horizon. The threat is to the whole Middle East and we have some common ground with the entire Sunni world, which also considers Iran to be a strategic threat. It does not mean that they like us, but it does mean that they consider this threat to be a most important one, perhaps even more important than Israel. Iran is trying to convince some states in the Middle East that this is the era of the Iranian Empire. It is not only Israel who is threatened. Iran has global ambitions to become a superpower that is recognized by the whole world, like the empire of Cyrus the Great. This is the main challenge to the entire world and I hope we will be united against it. I am not sure that the diplomatic option will be effective enough to prevent it, and we have to measure success based on results. There are other options, but I am against boasting and declarations. All options are on the table and, at the end of the day, Israel will make its own decision.</description><link>http://Mesi.org.uk/ViewBlog.aspx?ArticleId=38</link><pubDate>Tue, 11 Nov 2008 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate></item><item><title>A Reevaluation of the Balfour Declaration</title><author>Ashley Perry</author><description>On November 2, the Balfour Declaration was 91 years old. Although seemingly irrelevant in today's political scenery, it was the crucial first official recognition of Jewish national aspirations, much disparaged even unto this day. Although the declaration itself had little legal status, it was later incorporated into the Sèvres peace treaty with Turkey and the Mandate for Palestine, adopted unanimously by the League of Nations in the San Remo Resolution of 1920. This lent Zionism an international legitimacy enjoyed by few national movements before or since. Perhaps most astonishing today, the leader of the Arab movement, King Faisal, supported the declaration when it was referred to in the Faisal-Weizmann Agreement of 1919. Although many have since attempted to deny the central nature of the document and its relationship to the Mandate, that's not how its British drafters saw things. In fact, as stated in the 1937 Royal Commission Report, "the primary purpose of the Mandate, as expressed in its preamble and its articles, is to promote the establishment of the Jewish National Home." The initial drafts of the Balfour Declaration spoke of the desire "that Palestine should be reconstituted as the National Home of the Jewish people." Clearly, Palestine as a whole was intended to become this Jewish national home. There can be no denying that the Balfour Declaration was unique, not only in Jewish history, but possibly in the history of national movements. For a short period, all the major powers, the leader of the Arab world and most interested parties created a mechanism to fulfill the Zionist dream.</description><link>http://Mesi.org.uk/ViewBlog.aspx?ArticleId=37</link><pubDate>Sun, 02 Nov 2008 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate></item><item><title>Energy as an Element of Israel's National Security</title><author>Binyamin Ben-Eliezer</author><description>Israel today is at the height of a revolution whose main focus is the integration of natural gas into the electricity and industrial sectors. The desalination plant in Ashkelon, which is one of the largest in the world, is using natural gas, as is the paper mill in Hadera. Israel is in contact with the government of Turkey regarding the construction of an infrastructure corridor called the Med Stream, which is planned to contain three pipelines. One is for crude oil, meaning that what arrives through the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline or the Samsun-Ceyhan pipeline will continue on to Israel. The second pipeline will be for natural gas. The third pipeline could be used for water, electricity, or even fiber optic communications. 
In the next two decades, we hope to become almost fully energy independent through the construction of new solar energy stations, mainly in the southern part of Israel between Beersheba and Eilat. We have already issued three tenders and seven large companies from all over the world entered bids, including companies from Israel. We are going to do everything possible to enter this channel of renewable and alternative energy. But that is not enough. We must deal aggressively with managing demand as well and improve energy efficiency. In addition, we have now issued some tenders for wind power stations in the Golan Heights and near Eilat. Adopting an aggressive renewable energy policy and implementing demand side management will hopefully bring Israel closer to energy security. </description><link>http://Mesi.org.uk/ViewBlog.aspx?ArticleId=36</link><pubDate>Mon, 27 Oct 2008 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate></item><item><title>Yemen: Al-Qaeda’s Homecoming</title><author>Siddharth Ramana</author><description>The 17 September 2008 attack on the US embassy in the capital of Yemen-Sanaa is a reminder of how Al-Qaeda is gaining significant ground in a vital country. The Yemen attack, which has all the hallmarks of Al-Qaeda, was claimed by Islamic Jihad, an affiliate outfit of Al-Qaeda, which does not have links with its namesake in the Palestinian territories. This attack constitutes the second major successful attack on American interests in Yemen, the earlier one being the attack on the USS Cole at Aden in October 2000. That attack killed 17 soldiers and was linked to Al-Qaeda. While Al-Qaeda had not taken responsibility for the attack, Bin Laden in a videotape released in 2001 had praised those who “destroyed a destroyer that fearsome people fear” (CFR, December 2005). According to a US counter-terrorism official, the attack was the largest against a US facility since 9/11 (Newsweek, September 2008). The attack can be traced to the active resurgence of the Islamic group in the country since the escape of a number of suspects in 2006 and the Yemeni government’s inability to deal with an increasingly belligerent tribal region which is providing shelter to the group’s members. It also seeks to serve as a reminder that Yemen continues to remain a pivotal piece in the war on terror, which can easily destabilize neighboring countries such as Saudi Arabia and disrupt vital sea links in the region.</description><link>http://Mesi.org.uk/ViewBlog.aspx?ArticleId=35</link><pubDate>Mon, 13 Oct 2008 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate></item><item><title>Israeli Approvals for Medical Entry in the Shadow of Terror Attacks at the Erez Crossing</title><author>Elihu D. Richter</author><description>For several years, the Rapporteur to the UN Commission on Human Rights (now the UN Human Rights Council) and human rights groups have criticized the Israeli government and health care system for denying access to Gazans seeking to receive permits for care in hospitals in Israel, the PA and Jordan. Yet the data shows that the number of patients receiving permits for referrals to hospitals in Israel - or the PA or Jordan - increased by 45 percent from 4,932 in 2006 to 7,176 in 2007, and continued to increase in the first six months of 2008. These trends occurred despite a decline in entry approval rates, mostly because of security reasons. The facts are that Israel has provided ever increasing numbers of approvals of permits since the Hamas takeover of Gaza, despite increasing rocket attacks on Israel's civilian population, including mortar and terror attacks directed at the Erez crossing used by patients. At the same time, there have been at least 20 incidents where Palestinians used medical missions to attempt terror attacks. The premise that guides medical ethics is that there should not be even one death from delay, but sometimes the delays were related to problems of availability of beds, and at other times to security concerns. There were cases in which patients' deaths or complications were attributable to delays. But in other cases, deaths and complications were attributable to efforts to transfer to Israel critically ill or near terminal patients from Gaza whose care was deemed as bothersome or too costly. The longer term solution to the problem of delays associated with referrals is to promote medical capacity-building in Gaza's hospital and health care systems so that patients should not have to travel elsewhere for critical care. 
The mandate of the Rapporteur to the UN Commission on Human Rights has so far been restricted to reporting only on violations of human rights to life, safety, and access to health care of members of one national group, Palestinians, but not members of another group, Israelis. The result is a selective concern with the human rights of one that ignores assaults on the human rights of the other.</description><link>http://Mesi.org.uk/ViewBlog.aspx?ArticleId=34</link><pubDate>Mon, 06 Oct 2008 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate></item><item><title>Jordan's Outreach to Hamas: The Politics of Distress</title><author>Pinhas Inbari</author><description>Until recently, Jordan was the only Arab country that had boycotted the fundamentalist Hamas movement. However, in 2007 Jordanian intelligence held a series of meetings with Hamas leaders to end hostile relations and start afresh. 
Jordan's greatest fear is that it be considered the "alternative homeland" for the Palestinians. That is why all political formulas that Jordan is ready to consider are based on the "two-state solution" - a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza and a Jordanian state in the East Bank. Jordan would only consider confederation arrangements with the Palestinians after a Palestinian state is declared west of the Jordan River. Israel's regional policies have thrown Jordan off balance. The tahdiya (calm) agreement with Hamas caused great embarrassment to moderate Arab countries and exploded the policy of isolating Hamas. In addition, in its prisoner deal with Hizbullah, Israel agreed to hand over to Hizbullah the bodies of Jordanians. If Israel, for pragmatic reasons, finds it appropriate to engage with Hamas, why shouldn't Jordan do the same? Hamas influence in Jordan and the West Bank is rising. Iran and Russia are moving to reshape the Middle East. At the same time, Jordan fears it cannot trust the political will of its traditional allies as Israel has diplomatically engaged Jordan's adversaries - Syria and Hamas. Jordan's current policy can best be categorized as a "distress call" - one that should be heeded by Israel and the West before it is too late.</description><link>http://Mesi.org.uk/ViewBlog.aspx?ArticleId=33</link><pubDate>Thu, 18 Sep 2008 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate></item><item><title>A New Strategy for the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict</title><author>Lt.-Gen. (ret.) Moshe Yaalon</author><description>Solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, says mainstream public opinion, and the rest will follow. However, it is clear to me that it is not the epicenter of the region's many ills. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is only one of many afflicting the Middle East, and it is by no means the dominant one. The most important fault-lines of the strife in today's Middle East are found rather in non-localized conflicts such as pan-national Islamic ­Jihadism against the West, the Shia-Sunni divide, and the Persian­-Arab contest for power and influence. Within Muslim societies, across the region and beyond, there is a struggle between nationalists and Jihadists. Many, if not most, Muslim nations in the Middle East are torn internally between groups that believe happiness is achievable in this world, and groups who preach martyrdom (istish'had), the killing of infidels, and happiness in "the next world." There are indeed more than a few struggles in the Middle East in addition to the Israeli-Palestinian one. None of them emerged from it, and none are dependent on it. Admittedly, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been exploited by those seeking to inflame passions in other arenas, often cynically and with a view to influence the prevailing wisdom in the West. It is essential for our own well-being that we maintain our clarity of vision in the face of misinformation and false optimism.</description><link>http://Mesi.org.uk/ViewBlog.aspx?ArticleId=32</link><pubDate>Mon, 08 Sep 2008 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate></item><item><title>Hizbullah’s Role in Attacks Against U.S. and British Forces in Iraq</title><author>Lt. Col. (res.) Jonathan D. Halevi</author><description>Asharq Alawsat reported on August 18, 2008, that Hizbullah operatives were involved in attacks against U.S. and Iraqi forces in four Iraqi provinces. In June 2006, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State David Satterfield disclosed that Hizbullah cadres had attacked U.S.-led coalition forces in Iraq. Hizbullah units claimed responsibility for operations against coalition forces and Iraqi security personnel as early as the latter part of 2005. A senior U.S. intelligence officer said that activists of the “Special Groups” (Shiite terror cells in Iraq) undergo training and military instruction administered by the Iranian Revolution Guards’ Qods Force and Lebanese Hizbullah at training camps in the cities of Qom, Tehran, Ahwaz, and Mashad. The official website of the Hizbullah Brigades in Iraq features scores of video clips depicting the setting off of a number of sabotage charges in one place; the use of two explosive charges in succession in order to harm rescue forces as well; the use of mortars mounted on trucks in order to make a quick getaway, and the launching of a shoulder-fired Strela missile against helicopters. Hizbullah’s deep involvement in terror throughout Iraq demonstrates that the organization does not view itself purely as a Lebanese factor with national and local objectives, but as an arm of Iran in spreading the Shiite Islamic Revolution throughout the Middle East and in the long term throughout the entire world. Hizbullah's strategic ties with with Iran's Revolutionary Guards for the purpose of operations in Iraq once again illustrate how Iran, in general, and its Revolutionary Guards, in particular, directly promote international terrorism globally.</description><link>http://Mesi.org.uk/ViewBlog.aspx?ArticleId=31</link><pubDate>Tue, 02 Sep 2008 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate></item><item><title>Releasing Terrorists: New Victims Pay the Price</title><author>Nadav Shragai </author><description>The Israeli Cabinet approved on August 17 the release of almost 200 Palestinian security prisoners as a “goodwill gesture” to Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas. The list includes several prisoners “with blood on their hands,” who, by definition, were involved in the murder of Israelis. According to an informal estimate by Israeli security bodies, about 50 percent of the terrorists freed for any reason whatsoever returned to the path of terror, either as perpetrator, planner, or accomplice. In the terror acts committed by these freed terrorists, hundreds of Israelis were murdered, and thousands were wounded. Israel freed 400 Palestinian prisoners and five other prisoners in return for Elhanan Tannenbaum, who was held captive by Hizbullah, and for the bodies of three soldiers kidnapped on Mount Dov. According to Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Chairman Tzahi Hanegbi, from the date of the deal on January 29, 2004, until April 17, 2007, those freed in the deal had murdered 35 Israelis. An investigation by the Almagor Terror Victims Association in Israel revealed that at least 30 of the terrorist attacks perpetrated since 2000 were committed by terrorists freed in deals with terror organizations. Many were freed in the framework of goodwill gestures because they were defined by Israel as “without blood on their hands.” The bloody swath cut by these terrorists claimed the life of 177 persons, with many others wounded and made invalids.   </description><link>http://Mesi.org.uk/ViewBlog.aspx?ArticleId=30</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Aug 2008 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate></item><item><title>Group that Kidnapped BBC Reporter Alan Johnston and Al-Qaeda Affiliate - Jaish al-Islam - Receives Formal Sanctuary in Hamas-Ruled Gaza</title><author>Lt. Col. (res.) Jonathan D. Halevi</author><description>Except for Fatah, the other Palestinian terror organizations in Gaza enjoy full freedom of movement under Hamas rule. Offshoots of Al-Qaeda in Gaza include Jaish al-Islam (the Army of Islam), the Army of the Umma, and Fatah al-Islam. Following a series of violent clashes, Hamas and Jaish al-Islam established a joint committee to regulate relations between the groups and to solve disputes between them. In essence, Hamas recognized Jaish al-Islam as a legitimate armed movement inside the area under Hamas jurisdiction. In a previous agreement between the two groups, Hamas had given Jaish al-Islam $5 million and more than a million Kalashnikov bullets in compensation for its freeing of BBC journalist Alan Johnston. Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas warned about the emerging trend, telling Al-Hayat on February 26, 2008: "I believe that Al-Qaeda is present in the Palestinian territory of Gaza. It is the Hamas movement that brought Al-Qaeda in and it abets the entry and exit [of militants]....I believe that they are allies."</description><link>http://Mesi.org.uk/ViewBlog.aspx?ArticleId=29</link><pubDate>Thu, 21 Aug 2008 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate></item></channel></rss>